Papua People and Its Culture

The writing of this article is to understand Papuan people and their culture starting from the form of race, hair, skin, population distribution, customs manifested in the marriage system. This research method is socio-ethnographic, namely to provide an illustration that Papuans have one identity and a structured culture that is different, although not all of them with other ethnic groups in Indonesia. Based on the results of the study, it was found that race, hair, skin and the type or pattern of leadership as well as the existing marriage system were increasingly changing following the flow of globalization. Not all aspects of Papuan identity should change, some have to be authenticated and therefore traditional leaders need to play a maximum role in caring for, maintaining so that the values and aesthetics of cultural life can be seen and preserved.


I. Introduction
To know Papuans, it is necessary to understand the race, hair and skin of Papuans. The following describes the identity of the Papuan people as well as the type or pattern of traditional leadership and the marriage system of several tribes as indigenous Papuan culture that already exists, grows and develops as its character and identity.
In particular, the Papuan ethnic group has not been extensively investigated by physical anthropology regarding racial characteristics. On the other hand, almost all places in the world live human groups, each of which has characteristics that can be used as the basis for differences. There are two ways commonly used by experts to distinguish these characteristics, namely: (a). Qualitative characteristics (phenotype) such as skin color, hair shape, (b). Quantitative characteristics (genotype) include height, weight, face shape, head shape (cephalicus index) and skull index. Several research experts such as Kleiweg-de Zwaan stated that ethnic Papuans have physical characteristics which varies. According to Teuku Jakob, the indigenous Papuans have made a connection to the east to then occupy the Melanesian islands. It is suspected that the spread occurred since they developed a coastal culture characterized by outrigger mortar boats. Initially as a means of catching fish around the coast, estuaries, rivers and marshy areas and even to roam farther islands.Based on the results of research in the 1900s, among others, by THJ Bijlmer regarding the height of the skull index, it shows different characteristics that the inhabitants of the mountains/inland are shorter than the inhabitants of the coast, namely; The average height of Merauke residents is 167.2 cm, Marid-Anim is 165.3 cm, Mimika is 164.0 cm, Ethnic Bay (Arguni people) is 164.4 cm, Sentani is 159.5, Mamberamo is 162,, Humboldt Bay (Jos Sudarsono) is 163.3 while the mountains are 144.9s-155 cm. Likewise, the percentage of the skull index is different, the beach is oval (75.5%) for example, 21.2% for the Asmat ethnic group, moderate (island and north coast population); 3.4% short. (AJP Van Den Broek, 923. Pages: 163-233;P.Wirz 1926:149).

Hair Shape
In general, the shape of the hair of Papuans is curly (a feature of the Negroid race), but some have wavy hair (a characteristic of the Weddoid race) and some even have straight hair (a characteristic of the Mongoloid race). Other studies such as that conducted by Gajsuk, DC and colleagues (1987) on the differences between the inhabitants of the central highlands of Papua, namely the West Dani Tribe, in the Mulia, Pit River and Moni areas, generally dark brown and black; reddish-brown hair color in black children curls. Height of male and female 150-165 cm.

Language
In terms of language, it is estimated that there are 251 different languages in Papua that are used by more than 254 tribes. In general, Papuan languages can be classified into two groups: the Austronesian language group (including Indonesian and Melanesian) and the Papuan language group itself.

Skin
Physically, people from ethnic groups in Papua have slightly different characteristics from other ethnic groups in Indonesia. Papuans tend to be big, black, and australomelanesoid.
Based on the description aboveit is necessary to explore the origins of the indigenous peoples (tribes), traditional leaders, the marriage system with several research problems, namely How are the origins of the Papuans? How is the distribution of tribes and people in the 7 customary areas in Papua, what is the type or pattern of traditional leadership in Papua and what is the marriage system in Papua?

III. Research Method
This research method is socio-ethnographic, namely to provide an illustration that Papuans have one identity and a structured culture that is different, although not all of them with other ethnic groups in Indonesia. Therefore, the method used is descriptive cultural method and through closed field observations of sociocultural phenomena.

The origin of the Papuan people a. According to Myth
Each tribe and clan in the understanding of indigenous peoples in Papua that their respective clans or tribes come from somewhere even from an object or animal. Like the people of the interior of Papua in the Mee tribe, almost all clans call themselves from some kind of animal or object, for example the clans of Tekege, Tatogo, Pigome, Adii, Boma call themselves Mogo tuma (a clan of stone origin), the You clan call it derived from tadpoles (tobaa). , the Tebai clan, Iyai calls himself Hina (snake) tuma = clan) which is a family of clans originating from snakes and many more. There are also Papuans from the Meepago region who claim to come from a cave in the area or territory of the Dani tribe, namely Pupu Papa (the origin of the mountain people).

b. Search Results
Apart from being rich in natural resources, Papua is also rich in ethnicity, culture and language. The tribes and cultures in Papua were formed through a long and complex process in several stages of the arrival of the first human groups who later became the ancestors of today's Papuan humans, a hypothesis can be stated as follows. The first stage is estimated to be around 40 to 50 thousand years ago before rising seas separated the plains of New Guinea from the plains of Australia. Currently, the massive migration of the Austro-Melanosoid human race from the plains of Asia, they are called the Papuan people who have a gathering culture (picking and collecting natural products) and occupying the territory of Papua,

Distribution of tribes and people in 7 Papuan customary territories
In terms of geographical location, the island of Papua which is divided intoFive provinces, namely Papua, West Papua, Central Papua, Mountains Papua and South Papua are the largest islands in Indonesia which have an area three times larger than the island of Java and are the second largest islands in the world. Based on the astronomical location, this island is on the meridian line: north of 0 degrees 190 South Latitude and 10 degrees 450 South Latitude. To the south between longitudes: 130 degrees 450 east longitude west and 141 degrees 480 east longitude. Thus, the island of Papua stretches from West to East with an interval of 11 degrees or as far as approximately 1200 Km (from the city of Sorong to Jayapura). While the width from north to south is approximately 736 KM (from Jayapura to Merauke).
The island of New Guinea is also often called the "island". cossoway", because it is similar in shape to the image of a giant cassowary. The head (vogelkop) is located in the northwest of the island and covers the Onin area and the Bomberai archipelago under Bintuni Bay, while the narrowing of the land under Cenderawasi Bay is the mane of the bird, which with the rest of the soil forms the body and tail of the bird. The large Kimaam Island in the south is its foot. Along with offshore, the island is part of the westernmost and largest of the Melanesian archipelago; area that includes; the islands of Solomon, the New Hebrides, New Caledonia, and Fiji to the east. Generally, the people of this region of Malanesia are black.5 SocioculturallyPapuans are a unit that is not separated for political reasons and the division of government territory, such as by district and/or province. The customary territory in Papua is divided into 7 regions, namely:

a. Mamta's territory
Mamta's customary territory covers the areas of Jayapura, Kerom, Sarmi, Mamberamo Raya. The characteristic that can distinguish it from other traditional territories is in the traditional political system such as the traditional Ondoafi leadership system (tribal chief). One of the main characteristics of the Ondoafi system is the inheritance of leadership to the eldest son. In the Mamta customary area, the developed custom is the Tabi custom consisting of the large tribes of Sentani/Bhuyakha/La, North Dafonsoro, Moi, Yokari, Jouwari, Oktim and Demutru.

b. Saeireri adat indigenous territory
This customary area is located in the northern part of coastal Papua which includes Biak Numfor, Supriori, Yapen and Waropen Islands. In general, the tribes living in this area have the same cultural emotional relationship. The ancients worshiped the god of unity and their idol, Manseren Koreri, called Manarmaker.

c. Anime Ha
Anim Ha has a true human meaning. The Anim Ha area includes; Merauke, Boven Digoel, Asmat and Mappi Regencies. Marind Anim inhabit the vast mainland of southern Papua, starting from the Muli strait (Mariane strait) to the border area of Indonesia with Papua New Guinea. While the Asmat tribe is known for its carving art. In this customary area, there are people who live on the coast such as the Asmat, there are also those who live in the interior.
These two populations differ from each other, especially in patterns and ways of life, social structures and rituals. In addition to the Marid Anim and Asmat tribes, there are still many indigenous tribes in this area which generally have one customary area in common.

e. Mee Pago
The Mee Pago customary area includes the districts of Nabire, Dogiyai, Deiyai, Paniai, Intan Jaya and Mimika. In this area there are the Damal, Amumngme, Dani, Moni, Nduga and Mee tribes. The people in this customary area are generally from the Mee tribe such as from the districts of Paniai, Deiyai and Dogiyai. The Damal, Amungme tribe comes from the interior of Mimika Regency. while the Kamoro tribe in the coastal part of Mimika has unity, kinship, character, and cultural characteristics that are closer to the Domberai customary area, the same as in Nabire district, the island community is closer to the Saileri customary area. However, the people of the island of Nabire and the interior of Nabire have the same kinship and origin of life, for example the Wate Marga Warai tribe comes from Mount Gamei which is also Mount Gamei owned by Wakei. Warai also comes from Wafoga on the coast and islands. Likewise, people who feel themselves to be the Auye tribe in the Nabire mountain section (Kilo 100 AD) are also found in Ause Village on the coast of the island.

g. Bomberai
The traditional territory of Bomberai is to the south of Burung's head or the Bomberai peninsula. In the Momberai Customary Territory there are 19 tribes which are the district of Fak-fak-Kaimana, Kokonau on the Mimika coast (the Kamoro tribe).
These customary territories are used to group the tribes in Papua, a permanent authenticity that exists. Since ancient times, indigenous Papuans have known the boundaries of their territory based on the division of tribes which are inherited from generation to generation from their ancestors. The concept of tribal division is based on kinship, descent, marriage, customary rights, leadership types, physical and geographical characteristics.
Based on the division of customary territories from generation to generation, the Dutch government and Western scientists mapped out the concept of dividing the six administrative areas of the Dutch Government in Papua. The result is the division of 6 administrative areas by the Dutch government cultural provinces By GJHeld. The Area of Art Style by Wigert, Rapl Linton, A. Gerbrans and S Koijman". This concept was later adopted in tribal mapping in Papua by the Papuan Customary Council (DAP), anthropologist Cenderawasi University, Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), and the Department of Culture, in 2008.

Types or Patterns of Indigenous Leadership in Papua
The type of leadership that has been known for a long time in the lives of Papuans in Papua can be divided into two major types, namely the traditional leadership type and the leadership type according to the results of research by experts in Papua in 1936 and 1987.

a. Traditional/natural (native) Leadership Types/Models
There are four types of traditional leadership, including the following4: 1. War leadership This is the original leadership model that existed before other leadership models were known in Papua. War leadership model, which is a model or type in which someone who is considered to have the ability to do certain ways either in a good manner or roughly or hard to get something. The specific ways in question are such as arranging war strategies, arranging subordinates or subordinates for how to fight in defending or seizing something. The person who leads the war is called the war leader. In general, since ancient times, Papuans have been on Papuan land, the war arose or occurred due to three reasons, among others: (1). Land problems such as: fighting over land areas, mountains, hills, river flows and others (2). Women's problems due to adultery, carrying away, rape and others. (3).

Indigenous Leadership
Is a leadership in which the ways or actions taken by a traditional leader are to solve various problems with the aim of providing justice, truth and welfare for members of the community. Various problems such as; the problem of land boundaries, (ownership of hills, mountains, land, and land), marital problems such as prohibitions and customary orders in marriage, dowry, family sirsila and others. Traditional leaders in resolving these problems are expected to provide certainty and justice, saying what is right and what is wrong. For this reason, traditional leaders are people who are considered to understand and know the intricacies of the customs of the people they lead. The traditional leader is also an impartial person, authoritative because of his good attitude.

Ritual leadership
Leadership is where a person is considered to understand and know the intricacies of rituals or beliefs, including knowing the tools or materials that need to be prepared and used during rituals so that he is considered capable of leading and carrying out these rituals, such as rituals for healing diseases, rituals to expel demons and or cast out supernatural forces from one place to another. Not everyone understands and understands these rituals, so when people need them, they will call people who understand certain rituals. The person who leads the ritual is called the leader of the ritual.

Clen/clan/fam Kepemimpinan Leadership
It is leadership in which a person within the same clan is seen as more understanding of the ins and outs of clan or family life so that he is elder and made a place for fellow clans to ask questions, learn, ask for advice or suggestions and good opinions about origins, clan sirsila, prohibitions and orders. customs about marriage, dowry, marriage and others. If this person is not present or not informed about a problem at hand, people will feel odd or dissatisfied because their opinions have not been heard or need to be heard unless these people have bad intentions for solving them. The person who is made a place to ask questions, study is called the clan leader or fam.

b. Leadership Type/Model According to expert research
There are five leadership models, including: 1. Chef Man Model The model or type of leadership that is known in Jayapura, Sentani and surrounding areas. In this leadership model, the leaders are called Ondoafi and Ondofolo or Chalsari. Ondoafi or Ondofolo is assisted by koselo and family leaders. The term Ondoafi is better known in Sentani and its surroundings, while Ondofolo or Chalsari is known around Jayapura and its surroundings (Injros-Tobati). The leadership trait of Ondoafi/ Ondofolo or Chalsari is closed and passed down from generation to generation to the descendants of Ondoafi or Ondofolo. This means that the position of ondoafi/ondofolo or Chalsari cannot be given to other people even though they live in this area and have children and grandchildren since their ancestors.

Bigman Trade Model
This leadership model is known in the mountainous areas of Papua, especially in the Mee and Moni tribes. In the Mee tribe called Tonowi (rich people) and in the Moni tribe called Sonowi (rich people). This leadership model is not given, not appointed and not elected, including not passing on or being passed down or handed down from parents or ancestors but the result of hard efforts from natural wealth management. A person is called Tonowi or Sonowi if with his ability he has succeeded in managing natural resources such as gardening, raising pigs, working for cuscus in the forest and the results are sold and then he has a lot of money, so that politically he is recognized as a rich or wealthy person or a big person. In order for someone to be called Tonowi or Sonowi then he must have some wealth and abilities, 1. Having a lot of pigs, he is called ekina tonowi/sonowi. 2. Having many wives, he is called waka tonowi/sonowi. 3. If he has a large area of land or a lot of land, he is called maki tonowi/sonowi. 4. have a wide relationship then he is called meekago tonowi / tonowi. 5. Having the ability, ingenuity in solving problems, he is called Manaduwai Tonowi and others.

Bigman War models
This leadership model is known in the Jayawijaya area (lemba Baliem), which is the model of a great leader. A person wants to be recognized as a great person or a winner, so he must first create problems, fight and win the war. Usually there is competition between the easy and the old people to win something. Problems that commonly occur in the lives of the Dani tribe or other tribes in Papua are the problem of women, land grabbing and pigs. People who lead and win the war (war) are usually called nagawan. In ancient times, so that he was called a nagawan, he tried to create problems, whether it was women, land or pigs. The purpose of creating problems is to try or fight for something whether women, land or pigs. The struggle must be successful. The person or group that wins the leader's war is called a nagawan. In Balinese tradition, it has also become a cultural ethos that every time there is a war, conflict or problem between several camps, the last one must end with a stone-burning party (pig party) with the intention of making peace and acknowledging the victory of the war by those who feel they have lost to the other party who has lost. win the war. Socioreligiously the peace party was also carried out with the intention of eradicating or cleaning the human blood that had grown from each party so that in their next life each of them would not be chased by the human spirit who had died as a result of the war. It is believed that if this is not done, the blood of the deceased person will follow the perpetrator's family to finish off the offspring. However, this belief is also found in the Papuan people in general.
But now the concept of war as described above is rare for people to prioritize brain wars to seize positions in government, politics and in public life when war occurs using physical means.

King Model
According to the indigenous people of Raja Ampat, in Raja Ampat there is no real king as there is in other places. There are only fairy tales about the origins of the descendants of the Raja Ampat people depicted in fairy tales in society. The people of Raja Ampat have a story that they come from the Maleo bird. This bird lays 6 eggs. Five grains hatched and one item did not have time to hatch. Those that didn't hatch eventually helped form a white oval stone which has now become one of the tourist destinations in Raja Ampat. The five grains that hatch after becoming large each fly to the five islands. Over time, he turned into a human. These humans later became the rulers of the islands and became kings of each island from generation to generation. The kings or rulers of the island in terms of government or political power have no relationship with the kingdoms of Ternate and Tidore. It exists only because of the relationship of cultural contacts, marriage, religion and trade which was the influence of the sultanates of Tidore and Ternate in the XV and XVI centuries as a result of the relationships and contacts that occurred at that time in the regions. This influence mainly occurs in Fak-Fak, parts of Bintuni Bay, parts of the islands of Raja Ampat until now, although it has passed through several generations before there was the influence of Traditional leadership forms, especially in the areas of the onim-Wertuar cape. religion and trade which was the influence of the sultanates of Tidore and Ternate in the XV and XVI centuries as a result of the relations and contacts that occurred at that time in the regions. This influence mainly occurs in Fak-Fak, parts of Bintuni Bay, parts of the islands of Raja Ampat until now, although it has passed through several generations before there was the influence of Traditional leadership forms, especially in the areas of the onim-Wertuar cape. religion and trade which was the influence of the sultanates of Tidore and Ternate in the XV and XVI centuries as a result of the relations and contacts that occurred at that time in the regions. This influence mainly occurs in Fak-Fak, parts of Bintuni Bay, parts of the islands of Raja Ampat until now, although it has passed through several generations before there was the influence of Traditional leadership forms, especially in the areas of the onim-Wertuar cape.

Mambri Model (Biak)
This form is found among the tribes in the Saileri lukuk (Cenderawasih Bay), including the Biak Numfor tribe. The position of an individual in each clan or clan, as well as within the family in each clan is very autonomous. Before the Dutch and the Church's influence, people were obedient and submissive to a "Mambri" (war hero) and a Mampapok figure as administrator of everyday people's lives. Mambri in the past has proven his hero in trade expeditions and relations with the sultan of Tidore in the XV century. In the early 1960s, the Dutch government began to form customary councils consisting of Klan heads who were also Mambri in the clan or rubber to accompany formal government leaders. Until now there is still the influence of the egalitarian nature of the people around Saileri. The typology of the five leadership systems in Papua, Ondofolo/Ondoafi/Chalsari, Tonowi/Sonowi, Nagawan and Raja. More and more it is not pure anymore, since the implementation of Law Number 5 of 1980 concerning National Village Government.

c. Marriage Traditions in Papua 1. Marriage System
In the life of indigenous peoples in Papua, marriage customs are also one of the Papuan cultures that continue to be maintained. Two individuals who are united as husband and wife through a dowry in Papuan customs are a sacred activity that cannot be negotiated. Why is that because the marriage system is maintained, preserved and passed on from one generation to the next.
The number of tribes in Papua is currently approximately 254 and the number of languages is more than 251 with various dialects in the languages of these tribes. Marriage according to customary law does not merely mean a bond between a man and a woman to become a couple as husband and wife to obtain and continue offspring and foster domestic family life but also means a legal relationship involving family members both from the wife and husbands are allied to build togetherness in life.
It is the same with tribes throughout the archipelago in general, that marriage is exogamous and patrilineal, namely marriage between husband and wife of different clans or rubber, women and children produced in the marriage become legal members of the husband. Likewise, with the customary marriages of the tribes scattered in Papua. In the customary marriage system, it is not much different from one tribe to another.
In general, in the life of the Papuan people, especially in rural areas, marriages are carried out at a young age. Parents and siblings play a very important role in choosing a mate. A girl who is 14 years old after her first menstruation is marked by her parents or brother has the right to marry her daughter to a man of their choice. Meanwhile, boys are aged between 15 years or after the initiation ceremony.
Such matchmaking in the Jiwika community, one of the districts in Wamena, is usually met through a Mawe party. This party is held every five years, held in a large and open courtyard. In this event, only those who meet the requirements, such as parents, young people, menstruating girls, and men who have attended the initiation ceremony, are obliged to have a dowry capital. If the man wants a woman, he must approach the woman's parents and then make a bargaining transaction. The number of pigs as a dowry depends on the offer from the woman's parents and prospective daughter-in-law.
Meanwhile, in the Kurulu area, Wamena district, which also adheres to the Tonowi (big man) leadership system, assumes that women belong to men after marriage is carried out, both by custom and the church. The husband feels entitled to do anything for his wife. Domestic violence also emerged. The reason is, from the start, women feel that they do not fit in with their husbands. They want to get married simply because they have been "bought" and the man is able to pay a large dowry in accordance with the agreement between the woman's family and the man (husband). Incompatibility from the start of marriage and a drunken husband make the wives run away. Unfortunately, the wife's escape to avoid violence from her husband is actually considered contrary to custom. A woman who runs away from her husband is considered a woman who violates customs and is accused of being a cheating wife.
For this reason, custom teaches with the punishment of giving a number of pigs according to the amount given by the husband to the wife when they pay the dowry and get married.
In the Mee tribe community in Paniai, Deiyai, Dogiyai and Nabire the interior of the dowry taking is divided into three periods, namely; First, taking dowry in the barter era. At this time the proposal was initiated by handing over a number of objects that were tied together in a single bond. There are objects that can be eaten, some are not. What can be eaten are petatas seeds (nutaiso), taro seeds (nomouso) bii (red fruit) while things that cannot be eaten are ude, idee (a type of bamboo), hogi, oba tied together with rattan (edu/onee) and on Generally, these types of objects are given by men to propose to a girl they like. Nutaiso or nomouso symbolizes that their love is growing and developing like petatas or taro shoots that grow and develop into big and full ones. So, giving these objects as a sign of the beginning of their love before the marriage took place.
Of the items that were handed over, some were accepted and some were rejected, it all depends on the girl's parents. Each object has a different meaning. If the girl's parents accept nomouso, nutaiso, bii, without being tied with rattan, it means accepting the proposal from the male side, but on the condition that the boy must do gardening and approach for several years before the marriage takes place. During this process, the bride and groom are prohibited from walking together except with the supervision of parents, especially the girl.
In this process, if it turns out that there is no match, the proposal can be cancelled. This process is similar to courtship. However, if the girl's parents accept oba, bii, hogi, ude, idee (a type of bamboo which is literally in the Mee language as an expression of love) tied with rattan, it means that the application is accepted without conditions and the marriage is allowed to take place. In this case, rattan means tying, thus, the man and woman are in one official family bond, then ujut-ujut prayers (you pota) are performed as a sign of marriage.
Second, In the era, the dowry was given in the form of items of high economic value, such as shells, certain cuscus fangs which were commonly used as dowry, cuscus teeth, beads (dau pagadau) which were used as mas kawain tools, stone axes (maumi and habo). In addition, arrows and bows are also used according to the motifs and types desired by men and women. The dowry can also be used in the form of goods, such as pigs, cuscus and so on.
Third, when the dowry was in the form of paper money. At this time, dowry tools are almost invisible as in the first and second eras and even outside the community these dowry tools are used as jewelry tools in homes. These objects are almost abandoned and are now switched to paper money and added pigs.
In the past, the Papuan people adhered to the prevailing customs which if violated they received severe sanctions as well as in their marriage. Having sex outside of a legal marriage (mogai) will usually experience a disaster, such as serious illness, falling into a fast river or a deep ravine without realizing it or other disasters that endanger his life, unless after having sexual intercourse immediately tell other people. others or friends openly for the public to know. A person who has sexual intercourse usually experiences mental stress. If he doesn't confess publicly, it means he will die in the near future in various ways. It is strongly believed by the community that it will happen by itself because of the power of nature and God's curse.

Mas Kawin as a Determinant of Community Social Status
The taking of dowry for women is part of the traditional customs of the Papuan people. The customary system of marriage is considered to belong to men. In almost all ethnic groups in Papua, the dowry is a symbol of social status. Someone who has a high social status is judged by the ownership of many assets, has more than one wife, is good at talking in solving a problem, has many children or sisters who are considered a source of bringing in money, has a social spirit and many pigs. This is because by selling pigs, you will have a lot of money or a lot of property. Likewise, by taking a dowry for your child or sister, you will get a lot of money and property. That way their social status will get better and higher.
This does not mean that all women who will be married have the same amount of dowry property. The taking of the dowry is based on the social status of the parents. If the social status of the parents is different, the price of the dowry will also be different. For example, if the social status of their parents is high, then the dowry for their children or sisters will be expensive compared to women whose parents' social status is lower. In this case, women should not refuse because they are considered to be by nature. Women have always been objects to be sold by their parents or brothers to their men with a high dowry burden. At the time of taking the dowry, the woman does not have the right to determine the amount of the dowry taken. Women were not asked for their consent at all in choosing their life partner. In fact, the high dowry makes the woman not free in her marriage because they have to try to calm the hearts of all male family members. The taking of the dowry based on the status of the parents above applies only to certain ethnic groups.

V. Conclusion
1. Papua has rich resources, not only natural but also cultural, which continues to grow and develop dynamically according to the times. 2. In Papua there are more than 254 tribes and sub-tribes, there are also 251 languages and dialects. This is Papua's eternal wealth. This also shows the diverse character and characteristics of Papuan culture, which does not mean having different races, hair and skin, but one and the same as Papuans even though they are separated due to regional and regional divisions. 3. Before getting to know the modern leadership system, Papuans in Papua already know and practice traditional leadership that is recognized by the community, namely: Tonowi / Sonowi / Ondoafi, Nagawan, Mambri and Raja (not kings as they are known in other areas but kings because they are descendants of human development). in Raja Ampat). 4. In Papua, the patriarchal marriage system is adopted, a marriage system that continues the father's lineage. The taking of the dowry in the tribes in Papua depends on the characteristics and nature of the dowry adopted by each region, each tribe and even each clan and family, for example in the Mee tribe in the Mapiha area, taking the dowry is adjusted to the amount of the dowry of the mother or mother. If the price of her mother's dowry first, Rp. 600,000 means that when a daughter goes to marry a man, she cannot take a dowry of more than or less than Rp. the 600,000. This means taking a dowry without taking into account other costs such as education level status, school fees and or other problems which in certain tribes or regions count in the dowry costs.